Thum Ping Tjin has recently made a startling assertion that after his works were published, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) “no longer say that they have evidence that the detainees of Operation Coldstore were involved in a communist conspiracy”. He claims this is a “major shift in position” and proves that MHA “also accept my sources are accurate and legitimate”.
The Government has quite understandably ignored Thum’s erroneous claims probably because it believes the public is discerning enough not to be misled by his singular desire to spin his own version of history. Still, it is important to set the record straight in case such unsubstantiated claims gain acceptance by default because no one rebutted them.
A quick recount of some of the evidence and facts would be in order to debunk Thum’s absurd claims. The Government has stated, as recently as 14 Dec 2014, that “[a] full reading of the declassified documents from the British National Archives shows clearly that Operation Coldstore was a security operation meant to counter the serious security threat posed by the outlawed Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) and their supporters in Singapore, working through the Barisan and associated communist united front (CUF) organisations”. The Government stated that revisionists like Thum “conveniently omit mention of the incriminating information in these documents” by quoting documents “selectively”. British officials as well as CPM leaders have acknowledged that the Barisan was “the prime CUF body in Singapore in the 1960s, influenced, directed and led by CPM cadres”.
In this and another reply dated 20 Jan this year, the Government revealed among other things, the CPM strategy to capture political power in Singapore and use Singapore as a base to establish communist rule in the whole of Malaya, the formation of Barisan on the explicit instructions of the CPM, the CPM control of trade unions and other mass organisations, the communist antecedents of Barisan leaders, the discussions about armed struggle by Barisan cadres, Barisan’s support for the Brunei revolt in Dec 1962, and CPM’s decision in Beijing to prevent the formation of Malaysia and instructions to its proxies in Singapore.
In addition to the Government’s replies, I would add a Cold War dimension to the CPM’s strategy and highlight the Communists’ grand design in Southeast Asia. Chin Peng, the CPM’s Secretary-General, wrote in his memoirs that in July 1961, he and two other CPM leaders met Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leader Deng Xiaoping who informed them that Southeast Asia “was about to undergo monumental changes”. Deng said that “Strategically, the whole region … would become ripe for the sort of struggle we had been pursuing in Malaya for so long. The CPM must not…switch policies at this point. We must take advantage of the opportunities that would soon be presenting themselves throughout South East Asia”. Basically, Deng persuaded Chin Peng to persist with their armed struggle as this was going to happen in a big way in the region. Chin Peng further revealed that the CCP provided the CPM with financial support, training, a headquarters in Beijing and other amenities.
Clearly, the overall communist plan in the early 1960s was to turn Southeast Asia red, starting with Indochina in the north and Sukarno’s Indonesia in the south. As communist forces mounted attacks in Indochina, Sukarno, launched ‘konfrontasi’ against Malaysia on 20 Jan 1963 (two weeks before Operation Coldstore), starting with harassment of fishing boats and escalating to armed incursions and bombings by mid-1963. A month before ‘konfrontasi’ was launched, Brunei rebels staged a revolt. The Indonesian communist party (PKI) called for full support for the rebellion and urged the Government to make it a success. Sukarno and the Indonesian Parliament declared its support and so too did the Barisan and Partai Rakyat (PR) in Singapore. The Barisan and PR held rallies and discuss plans to whip up support for the rebellion and recruit volunteers from Singapore to fight alongside the Brunei rebels. The communists and their proxies in Singapore hoped that these external forces would prevent the formation of Malaysia. Before they could do more trouble, Operation Coldstore was launched and they were arrested and the threat averted. Chin Peng admitted that Operation Coldstore “shattered our underground network throughout the island”.
This geopolitical backdrop showing communist violence and plans during the period in the region augment earlier government replies about the CPM conspiracy and Operation Coldstore. Thum’s disregard of the overwhelming evidence that justified Operation Coldstore confirm that he is not interested in historical truths but politics. He has declared that “it is the responsibility of academics to critique power, those in power, and how power is used”. In attempting to do so, Thum has put forth a version of history that is seriously flawed and statements that are erroneous.
Showing posts with label Communist United Front. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Communist United Front. Show all posts
Wednesday, 23 December 2015
Monday, 22 December 2014
PJ Thum repeats old claims as historical truth remains elusive
Thum Pingtjin responded to Burhan Gafoor's letter with a FB posting that he is “happy that the government is
engaging with my work”; he claims that his article on Coldstore
“which was peer-reviewed and has extensive citations, does address
the issues and evidence that Burhan raises”.
Thum's article does nothing of the
sort. It fails to include several important revelations by Chin Peng,
Fong Chong Pik aka The Plan, Eu Chooi Yip and other CPM/ABL leaders
and activists that demolishes his arguments. Eu's revelations that
the Barisan was formed on the instruction of The Plen completely
undermines his whole thesis that the Barisan was just an ordinary
left-wing political party instead of being the principal communist
united front organisation (CUF) in Singapore that it was. His
allegation that the CUF was an “invention” by the authorities has
now been proven to be false.
Click here to read earlier article on what Chin Peng and The Plen say in their own memoirs.
Click here to read earlier article on what Chin Peng and The Plen say in their own memoirs.
In another article which also touched
on Coldstore and merger, Thum declares that his work quoted
extensively the Chinese press – did he know that The Plen has
written in his book that many of the articles in the Chinese press
originated from him?
Many of these revelations have been in
the public domain for the last 15 years. His entire unsubstantiated
case against the government over Coldstore collapses now that it has
been proven that the Barisan was indeed a political front of the CPM
and that the communists were actively driving Barisan's disruptive
activities and that the communists conspiracy was real and not
imagined as alleged. Will Thum now revise his article?
Thum's response to Burhan was a
repetition of his old line that his article was “peer reviewed”
as though that in itself authenticates his work as a truthful account
and addresses all concerns about inaccuracies and misrepresentations.
Since he relies heavily on peer reviews, and give the many misleading
arguments in his article, readers are entitled to know who are these
peers who reviewed his work and how were they chosen? What are their
areas of specialisation and research interests? How familiar are they
with Communism in Southeast Asia, in particular Malaya and Singapore?
How familiar are they with Singapore history? Have they conducted
research on Singapore history and politics?
Further, would Thum address all the
evidence and arguments highlighted in Burhan's reply in his
forthcoming works on Coldstore or is it going to be an expanded
version of his flawed articles? In particular, would he include all
the revelations by Chin Peng, The Plen, Eu Chooi Yip and former
CPM/ABL members that contradict his thesis? Would he also include the
revelations and exhaustive research conducted by authors like C C
Chin, Cheah Boon Kheng, Lee Ting Hui, Drysdale and Bloodworth and
other British colonial records that argue against his own arguments?
Like Thum, I too hope that the state
would declassify more documents. But when academics do not use
materials that are publicly available and shoddily analyse those that
they have access to, then I wonder when that day will come.
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